EN CAS D’ATTAQUE PAR LES AVIONS SUKHOI DU VENEZUELA, LA COLOMBIE NE DISPOSE D’AUCUNE BATTERIE ANTI-AERIENNE !

10 novembre 2009 

Cette nouvelle, effrayante, a été révélée ce soir par un sénateur proche du président Alvaro Uribe, alors que le Venezuela menace d'attaquer la Colombie. 

Selon cet élu, Juan Carlos Velez, ancien directeur de l’aviation civile, les chasseurs Sukhoi-30 achetés à la Russie par Hugo Chavez peuvent piquer sur Bogota en 15 minutes, sans pouvoir être abattus faute de batteries anti-aériennes en Colombie ! 

Si tel est le cas, jusqu’à plus ample informé, on peut se poser des questions sur la logistique des armées colombiennes, dont les chefs ne pouvaient ignorer les menaces du dictateur fou en charge du Venezuela. 

Il reste que sur le terrain, l’armée de terre colombienne, habituée au combat face aux guérillas, ne fera qu’une bouchée des troupes vénézuéliennes, corrompues par l’argent de la drogue, si elles tentent d’envahir le territoire colombien.

 

 

 


8 commentaires

  1. jose

    Allons, allons, Jacques,
    A quoi serviront entre-autres les 7 bases militaires AERIENNES Colombiennes ouvertes aux USA???
    A Y BASER DES MILITAIRES USA AVEC LEURS EQUIPEMENTS QUI SONT (entre-autres) DES AVIONS DE CHASSES (pour leur defense) et des ARMES ANTI-AERIENNES (fusees terre-air)AUSSI POUR LA DEFENSE DE CES BASES DANS UN RAYON DE SIX CENTS KILOMETRES!

    VOILA POURQUOI LE DICTATEUR CHAVEZ EST FACHE TOUT “ROUGE”.

    Et ce n’est pas le “stratege militaire” O’BWANA qui l’a decide, ce sont les proffessionnels de l’armee US.

  2. Fabio

    Il n’y a aucune besoin de resources speciales pour defendre la Colombie de ces Sukhois. La seule chose dont les colombiens ont besoin est de l’assistance radar des US (AWAC en anglais) et les Sukhois feront pschiittt en qqs seconds. Obama n’a pas besoin d’engager des troupes ou du materiel americain. Voir ci dessous un commentaire de l’hebdo neocon Weekly Standard a ce sujet.

    ——————————————————-

    MONDAY, NOVEMBER 09, 2009
    Chavez Prepares for War on Colombia
    He’s going through the motions at least. It’s doubtful that Chavez initiates a conflict with his better-armed neighbor while he’s still waiting for those big Russian arms shipments. Chalk this up next to the dictator’s long list of prior attention whoring: hosting of Russian supersonic bombers, his announcement of the uranium sharing plan with Iran, and his long history of blustery rhetoric against America’s closest South American ally.
    Colombia and Venezuela drew closer to the brink of conflict today after President Hugo Chavez sent 15,000 Venezuelan troops to the volatile border between the two countries, claiming that the U.S. planned to use Colombian bases to mount an invasion of his oil-rich nation.
    President Alvaro Uribe of Colombia said that he would appeal to the UN over the threat, which comes after months of sabre rattling over a deal that allows the US to conduct operations out of Colombian bases.
    Colombian troops are better equipped, better trained, and are battle-hardened from years of fighting the FARC. The only edge that Chavez has is in the air, with his relatively modern Russian Sukhois and F-16s vs. Colombia’s aging Kfir (Israeli modified Mirage 5) fighters, but that could be offset with one U.S. AWACs providing aerial radar assistance. President Obama will likely avoid involvement–not necessarily an unwise move considering Chavez wants to play up the U.S. as an imperial aggressor meme–but providing some token assistance in the form of a non-combat support role (like AWACs) might be enough to put Chavez in his place. And it would further signal other U.S. allies that the White House still takes our defense alliances seriously.

  3. Fabio

    MILITARY STRENGTHS

    Venezuela

    Army 63,000 men
    Navy 17,500
    National Guard 23,000
    Reserve Army 8,000
    Combat aircraft 94
    Submarines 2
    Helicopters army 62, air force 34

    Colombia

    Army 226,352
    Navy 30,729
    Air 10,150
    Reserve Army 54,700
    Navy 4,800
    Air 1,200
    Combat aircraft 117
    Submarines 4
    Helicopters army 119, air force 114

    Source: IISS The Military Balance 2009

  4. Fabio

    New York Times

    As Blackouts Hit Energy-Rich Venezuela, the President Tells People to Cut Back

    By SIMON ROMERO
    Published: November 10, 2009

    CARACAS, Venezuela ? This country may be an energy colossus, with the largest conventional oil reserves outside the Middle East and one of the world?s mightiest hydroelectric systems, but that has not prevented it from enduring serious electricity and water shortages that seem only to be getting worse.

    President Hugo Chávez has been facing a public outcry in recent weeks over power failures that, after six nationwide blackouts in the last two years, are cutting electricity for hours each day in rural areas and in industrial cities like Valencia and Ciudad Guayana. Now, water rationing has been introduced here in the capital

    The deterioration of services is perplexing to many here, especially because the country had grown used to cheap, plentiful electricity and water in recent decades. But even as the oil boom was enriching his government and Mr. Chávez asserted greater control over utilities and other industries in this decade, public services seemed only to decay, adding to residents? frustrations.

    With oil revenues declining and the economy slowing, the shortages may have no quick fixes in sight. The government announced some emergency measures this week, including limits on imports of air-conditioning systems, rate increases for consumers of large amounts of power and the building of new gas-fired power plants, which would not be completed until the middle of the next decade.

    Skepticism also persists over another plan ? to develop a nuclear energy program ? because it would require billions of dollars and extensive training of Venezuelan scientists at a time of budget shortfalls and falling oil production. Potential diplomatic resistance to Venezuela?s cooperation on nuclear matters with Iran could slow these ambitions further.

    ?We?re paying for the mistakes of this president and his incompetent managers,? said Aixa López, 39, president of the Committee of Blackout Victims, which has organized protests in several cities. In some cities, protesters have left household appliances on the steps of state electricity companies.

    In response, the president is embarking on his own crusade: pushing Venezuelans to conserve by mocking their consumption habits.

    He began his critique last month with the amount of time citizens spent under their shower heads, saying three-minute showers were sufficient. ?I?ve counted and I don?t end up stinking,? he said. ?I guarantee it.?

    Then he went after the country?s ubiquitous love motels and shopping malls, accusing them of waste. ?Buy your own generator,? he threatened, ?or I?ll cut off your lights.? He similarly laid blame with ?oligarchs,? a frequently used insult here for the rich, for overconsumption of water in gardens and swimming pools.

    Mr. Chávez is even going after his countrymen?s expanding waistlines. ?Watch out for the fat people,? he said last month, citing a study finding a jump in obesity. ?Time to lose weight through dieting and exercise.?

    While Mr. Chávez zeroes in on such issues, Venezuela?s declining public services offer what may be a view into the ?resource curse?: the idea that some countries with abundant natural resources have societies hampered by sometimes sharp political discord, stunted growth and glaring inefficiencies.

    On paper, at least, Venezuela should be swimming in surplus power. The country has huge reserves of oil and natural gas and sizable coal deposits. Its Guri dam complex, built with postwar oil riches in the 1960s, ranks as one of the world?s largest hydroelectric projects.

    Guri provides Venezuela with as much as three-quarters of its electricity and, just as crucial, allows Venezuela to export about 500,000 barrels of oil a day that might otherwise be needed to meet electricity demand.

    But energy economists here said a combination of negligence and poor planning pushed Guri to its limit in this decade, while other electricity projects, including several built in recent years to be fueled by natural gas, remain completely or partly idle.

    Mr. Chávez?s government blames relatively low rainfall this year for low water levels at Guri and for declining water supplies for Caracas. But former officials in Mr. Chávez?s government interviewed here said the problems were more daunting than a lack of rain.

    They said the president encouraged consumption with a 2002 decree freezing electricity and other utility rates. A time-zone change by Mr. Chávez in 2007 that turned clocks back half an hour also led consumption to climb (the sun sets earlier here than before).

    Meanwhile, nationalization effectively halted renewable-energy projects, like a plan by the AES Corporation, which used to control the main electricity company in Caracas, for a wind farm on the Paraguaná Peninsula. Despite Venezuela?s large wind and solar potential, renewable energy here remains negligible.

    Most significant, though, may be the government?s failure to use its immense natural gas reserves, the second largest in the Western Hemisphere after those of the United States, to fuel existing power plants.

    Venezuela?s gas is technically hard to extract because almost 90 percent of it is associated with oil, but major projects have languished even as Venezuela?s neighbor, Trinidad, taps adjacent gas reserves with ease. Venezuela relies on Colombia, with which ties are increasingly tense, for gas imports.

    As a result, there is a disconnect between Venezuela?s energy potential and its ability to keep the lights on. Billboards here extol a ?natural gas revolution? and the prowess demonstrated by a satellite put into orbit last year with China?s assistance, while daily blackouts plague poor areas where the satellite was supposed to help provide phone and Internet services.

    ?The problem isn?t a lack of money,? said Víctor Poleo, a former Energy Ministry official under Mr. Chávez. ?It?s the irresponsible and corrupt militarism that has replaced the professionalism of the industry.?

    Meanwhile, homes and businesses across the country are adapting to the erratic supply of power and, here in Caracas, of water. Sales of small generators, candles and water storage tanks are surging. Reflecting the unease of the already strained industrial base, which developed around access to ample and cheap power, Sidor, a steel maker in Ciudad Guayana, said it was shutting down its furnaces five hours a day because of the cuts.

    ?If this crisis teaches us something,? said Fernando Branger, an energy expert at the Institute of Superior Administration Studies, a Caracas business school, ?it is that the immensity of our energy reserves means nothing if we cannot even get them out of the ground.?

    María Eugenia Díaz contributed reporting.

  5. Fabio

    El Universal de Caracas

    Interview with Fernando Ochoa Antich, ex Minister of Defense and of Foreign Affairs
    “Venezuela could not stand a war with Colombia and the US”

    ?A confrontation between Colombia and Venezuela would imply the US intervention on behalf of the former?

    Ex Minister of Defense and of Foreign Affairs Fernando Ochoa Antich thinks that the bottom problem in Colombia-Venezuela relations is due to the Venezuelan government interest in expanding the revolutionary operating range to the neighboring country.

    Apparently the ways of dialogue have vanished because there is not intention to solve problems.
    There is common isolation. The two presidents, perhaps (Venezuela’s President Hugo) Chávez more than (Colombia’s President Álvaro) Uribe, have attacked each other on the media in the last couple of years. Commissions do not work, and when troubles arise, such as the slaughter in Chururú, they cannot be solved as in the past, for lack of means to find a solution.

    In any case, problems now look more serious than before, and it seems that the Venezuelan government fabricates them.
    The point at issue is that Colombia is one of the main goals of the Bolivarian foreign policy. This would enable it to create a political axis composed of Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia and Venezuela, in addition to Cuba as the ideological mastermind of this process. In Venezuela, we downplay President Chavez’s actions. But comparing his policy with Fidel Castro’s revolution of 1959, we will find that the expansion of the Venezuelan revolution is extraordinary. Just look at its success in controlling Ecuador and Bolivia. The problem, though, is that a wedge called Colombia is in the middle.

    In Ecuador and Bolivia, it resorted to leaders who took the electoral way. In Colombia, it does it by two means: elections and uprising.
    The (Colombian Revolutionary Armed Forces) FARC has become a stumbling block, because they preclude the elections as an alternative. Sometimes he (President Chávez) gets mixed up in the game because the Colombian leftwing rejects the FARC. This he cannot do. Otherwise, he would be in troubles with hardcore sectors in the hemisphere, even though we all know that long time ago, that organization lost any knowledge of ideological principle and serves economic interests which revolve around drug traffic.

    Based on that, the agreement between the United States and Colombia on the military bases makes sense, as it could curb Chávez’s expansionism.
    I do not think that the agreement is intended to curb Chávez’s expansionism, because so far the United States has not given it the importance it really has. The key problem is drug traffic. Now, I do not agree with the agreement executed by Colombia and the United States, because Uribe yielded too much.

    Chávez claims it is a threat to Venezuelan sovereignty.
    The massive deployment of troops to the bases is not a threat to Venezuela, except in the event of clashes between Venezuela and Colombia. But the assumption that such military deployment will endanger the Bolivarian revolution is an unfounded exaggeration of President Chávez. Both the Fourth Fleet and the US bases in the Caribbean are enough to raid on Venezuela, in any event. Therefore, the bases are aimed at counternarcotics efforts.

    If they mean to bump off the FARC, because they are in the drug traffic business, does it affect Chávez?
    I do not think so. All this Chávez’s fuss of fight is aimed at creating a smokescreen to conceal from Venezuelans the dramatic issue of his government inefficiency and weaken the local governments of (Táchira state governor César) Pérez Vivas and (Zulia state governor) Pablo Pérez. In this way, he would be able to politically grasp Colombia.

    I wonder if these objectives are sort of secondary, considering the risk of these war games.
    That is the problem. In the absence of peaceful means for dispute settlement, things can slip away. And in this regard, the military high command should be aware that it is accountable for national sovereignty and objectively assess the matter. The strategic relationship between Colombia and Venezuela that used to exist has changed. Formerly, both countries had a similar military capacity which prevented clashes. In the event of any, they counted on the US neutral stance. Now, that has changed under Chávez’s wrong foreign policy and his excessive confrontation with the United States.

    In other words, Venezuela is helpless in a war against Colombia.
    At this current moment, given the Colombia-US military alliance, Venezuela lacks military capacity for such a solution. For this reason, it should prevent confrontation under a reasonable policy able to ease tension and aimed at settlement of any disputes which naturally arise by peaceful means, negotiation and agreement.
    rgiusti@eluniversal.com

    Translated by Conchita Delgado
    Roberto Giusti
    EL UNIVERSAL

  6. Fabio

    Malgré sa folie et et sa culture primate, Chavez est capable de dire au moins une verité:

    >

    Depuis ce blog plusieurs fois nous avons appelé Hugorille et sa consoeur Hipopotame Turbanné a faire quelques efforts pour le bien de l’humanité.

    S’ils mesuraient ne serait qu’un petit peu les besoins “robo-lucionaires” de leur ventres astronomiques, non seulement le monde pourrait arriver vite à l’economie ecologiste, mais aussi à l’utopie marxiste de “l’alimentation-pour-tous”.

    Allez Hugorille et l’Hipopotame, un petit effort, et nous pourrons vous paraphraser Churchill: “Jamais si peu de gens ont fait autant pour tellement de monde”. :D :D :D

  7. Fabio

    Oups, le blog a eliminé ma citation de Chabestia:

    Mr. Chávez is even going after his countrymen?s expanding waistlines. ?Watch out for the fat people,? he said last month, citing a study finding a jump in obesity. ?Time to lose weight through dieting and exercise.?

  8. Fabio

    C’etait 2.300 voix, le score que le President actuel de la Cour Supreme a recu quand il revait d’etre maire de Medellin, il y a peu d’années. On ne sait pas pour quel metier il eset plus incompetent: si pour celui de juge ou pour politicien.

    Jacques Thomet a recu 250 fois plus de voix du vrai peuple :)
    —————————————————-

    Los excesos de la Corte Suprema
    Saúl Hernández Bolívar
    El Tiempo, Bogotá
    Noviembre 10 de 2009

    Es claro que la Corte Suprema de Justicia (CSJ) merece respeto por todo lo que representa, pero también lo es que sus integrantes son los primeramente obligados a guardar su dignidad y a llevar con honor y decoro la gravedad de su investidura. No obstante, de un tiempo para acá, algunos honorables magistrados han hecho su propia campaña de desprestigio con conductas que desdicen de la majestad de la Corte.

    Inicialmente, fueron los choques de trenes con otras altas cortes, que se volvieron habituales y repetitivos, sobre todo por las tutelas contra sentencias ejecutoriadas por el máximo tribunal. En esa época, el Gobierno parecía respaldar a la Suprema ante los excesos de la Corte Constitucional, de suyo comunes desde su creación, pero luego dio un aparente giro, interpretado por muchos como el pago por la aprobación de la reforma constitucional de la (primera) reelección. Y ahí fue Troya.

    Pero, para el ciudadano de a pie, ha sido más desconcertante que algunos magistrados asistieran a francachelas organizadas por mafiosos y les recibieran regalos, a pesar de que un magistrado no debe recibir ni una almojábana de nadie -como predicaba uno de los grandes juristas que pereció hace 24 años por cortesía del M-19-, y de que reciben un frondoso salario que los libera de penurias.

    También se enteraron los ciudadanos del llamado ‘roscograma judicial’ y sus alcances. ¿Quién le negaría un puesto al hijo de un magistrado, como Alfredo Gómez Díaz, director de Agro Ingreso Seguro? Esto y la inoperancia judicial han socavado lo que para la CSJ es su “principal patrimonio: la confianza de todos los ciudadanos en sus jueces”. En la última encuesta Gallup vemos que dicha confianza no existe: el sistema judicial tiene una desfavorabilidad del 55 por ciento, mayor que la del Congreso y casi tan alta como la de los partidos políticos.

    Es que la Honorable Corte dejó de impartir justicia para hacer oposición desde el día en que, en un arranque de maniqueísmo incomprensible, decidió que el paramilitarismo no podía asemejarse a delito político, ni siquiera en aras del bien supremo de la paz, pues se trataba de ‘criminales vulgares’, que es, también, lo que terminaron siendo las Farc y el Eln. Posición explicable viniendo del colectivo Alvear Restrepo, pero no de un alto tribunal.

    De magistrados bebiendo con potenciales testigos, ni hablemos. De falta de equilibrio entre los procesos de la ‘parapolítica’ y la ‘farcpolítica’, qué decir. En la primera basta la versión de un criminal en busca de beneficios para ir condenando. En la otra, la CSJ hasta pretendió que Scotland Yard certificara lo que ya había certificado un ente superior del que la Scotland hace parte. Y ahí vemos las acuciosas preclusiones por ‘farcpolítica’, o la curiosa devolución a la Fiscalía del expediente del ex congresista Almario, en tanto que la Corte modifica su propia jurisprudencia para volver a tener en sus ‘garras’ los procesos de los ‘parapolíticos’.

    La renuencia de la CSJ a nombrar Fiscal General es el impasse más grave en esta cadena de hostilidades. La galería antiuribista reacciona clamorosa ante ese espectáculo bochornoso en el que la Corte pisotea la institucionalidad con el aparente ánimo de ser el contrapeso que a nuestra democracia le hacía falta. Pero el ex magistrado Édgar Saavedra (EL TIEMPO, 03-11-2009) es muy contundente al afirmar que el Fiscal General no tiene que ser penalista, que la Corte está obligada a elegir uno de los ternados y que “ese concepto de inviabilidad, esbozado por la Corte, no existe en la Constitución; se lo inventaron”.

    Por eso, muchos sostienen que la CSJ abusa de su poder y está a punto de incurrir en un golpe de Estado. Podría ser ideal que el Fiscal sea penalista, pero también sería deseable que, en “el siglo de los jueces”, los jueces fueran jueces y no políticos que con 2.303 votos vieron frustradas sus aspiraciones de llegar al Senado. ¿O no, doctor Ibáñez?

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